
The procedural discrepancy between the European and American approaches
European path: The European Union Council took legislative steps to lift sectoral and economic restrictions on financial and sovereign institutions, while activating the joint cooperation agreement, with the aim of providing official channels to deal with the continuation of sanctions on the defunct regime, as well as working to use smart sanctions and security sanctions.: The Union maintains a ban on the export of weapons, equipment that could be used for internal repression, or surveillance and interception software.
The binding American path: On the other hand, this openness remains limited in impact as a result of the intersection of American laws. Despite the cessation of executive work in “Caesar Act”However, the mechanism to end its effects was included as a binding legal appendix within the US national defense budget, including eight specific items and conditions that are subject to strict periodic oversight by Congress..
Continuous deep laws: The biggest legislative obstacle facing the banking system is continued enforcement “Syria Accounting Law” For the year 2004, Syria’s classification remains on the list “States sponsors of terrorism” Since 1979, these two pieces of legislation require a complex parliamentary process within Congress to abolish them, and they constitute the primary obstacle to activating the system. “Swift” And major banking transactions.
Compliance environment and risk calculations at correspondent banks
The concept of banking security: Major global banks and financial institutions do not act based on political changes, but rather according to criteria “Compliance and risk control”. Due to legal overlap, banks still classify the local environment as a high risk area (\bm{High-Risk Zone})And fears regressive sanctions.
Limited current channels: The current financial movement is limited to precise transfers and limited ceilings, which has kept major investment memorandums of understanding operationally suspended due to the absence of correspondent banks capable of transferring capital and ensuring an attractive and stable investment environment that tempts local and expatriate capital before foreign investors..
The need for international rehabilitation: The lifting of some sanctions has revealed that the main dilemma is no longer in external restrictions alone, but in a structural deficit within an economy that completely needs real rehabilitation and development and making it more consistent with international standards and the rules of governance, transparency and combating money laundering, ensuring the provision of an investment climate that guarantees the flow and exit of funds without obstacles..
🌍 2. The map of regional influence and the new field reality (Distribution of powers for the year 2026)
The military and geographical map of Syria witnessed strategic transformations that reshaped the balance of power between international and local parties. These axes are precisely distributed as follows::
A. Israeli military and engineering incursion (Southern Front)
Establish fixed military bases: The Israeli army set up approx 9 to 10 Fixed military bases and points extending from the strategic peak of Mount Hermon in the north to the Yarmouk Basin in the Daraa countryside in the south. Some of these bases are located within the buffer zone, while others extend deep into Syria.
Project “Sofa 53”: Israel continues to build and consolidate a new defensive and engineering line inside Syrian territory known as the Line “Sofa 53”. This includes a project to build military roads across the country 8 meters, building fortifications and earthen barriers, and installing new barbed wire, consuming thousands of acres of agricultural land in the southern countryside..
Deterrence and freedom of movement: Israel insists on maintaining its fire control and defensive wall (Suva line 53) In the south to prevent any Iranian return as well as the danger and risks of new Syrian extremist groups 7 A new October, securing its borders, and reshuffling the political balances of Damascus and Ankara.
for. The Turkish approach and the transition to official partnership (Northern Syria)
Fixed military points and bases: The Turkish army is deployed in dozens of bases and military points extending across the governorates of Idlib and Aleppo (Such as Afrin and Al-Bab)And parts of Raqqa and Al-Hasakah (Such as Tal Abyad and Ras Al Ain).
Nature of deployment and tasks: There are thousands of Turkish soldiers supported by heavy machinery, tanks, air defense systems, and drones. Their tasks are focused on monitoring the front lines, securing the borders, and preventing any activity of Kurdish armed groups.
Shifting to formal partnership and direct cooperation: Despite the transfer of civil administration in most regions of the north to the Syrian transitional government and the integration of opposition factions (Formerly the National Army) In the new defense structure, however, Turkish forces maintained their independent presence. This presence developed into an official partnership with Damascus. Ankara provides logistical support and training to the new Syrian army, which was recently embodied in the participation of Syrian military units in maneuvers (\bm{Ephesus 2026}) Inside Türkiye for the first time.
C. The absence of the American military presence and the evacuation of the bases
Termination of fixed spread and total withdrawal: There is no longer a permanent ground military presence or US military bases in Syria. Where the US Central Command announced (\bm{CENTCOM}) Officially in mid-April 2026 On completing the handover of all major military bases and installations to the Syrian government. The last American military convoys left the base “Qasraq” In the Hasakah countryside towards Iraq, noting the end of more than a decade of direct field presence and the evacuation of the bases. 31 (Such as Al-Tanf, Al-Shaddadi, and oil and gas fields).
Reliance on remote operations and field sovereignty: انتقل الجيش الأمريكي إلى مرحلة تعتمد على دعم جهود مكافحة تنظيم داعش عبر تنسيق استخباراتي ولوجستي وضربات مركزة عن بُعد عند الحاجة، في حين تولت القوات السورية، بالتكامل مع الترتيبات الجديدة مع القوات المحلية، المسؤولية الكاملة عن حماية الحدود والمنشآت النفطية.
of the. Arab clans (De facto authority in the East)
Fill in the field blank: بعد الانسحاب الأمريكي، أصبحت المجالس العسكرية للعشائر العربية هي القوة البرية الضاربة والمسؤولة ميدانياً في مناطق دير الزور، والحسكة، والرقة.
مفتاح الاستقرار والتوازن: تمثل العشائر اليوم بيضة القبان في التوازن العسكري والسياسي بين الحكومة المركزية في دمشق وبين التطلعات التركية والكردية في شرق الفرات.
هـ. إيران وميليشياتها (النفوذ المنهك والمستمر)
الانكفاء العسكري: تلقت شبكات إيران العسكرية ضربات قاصمة متتالية قيدت حركتها العلنية وقضت على ممراتها ونقاط إمدادها البرية التقليدية.
الخلايا السرية والتكيف: تحول الوجود الإيراني إلى خلايا محلية سرية وشبكات نفوذ مالي وأيديولوجي كامنة في مناطق البادية وبعض الأرياف، وهي تحاول التكيف للبقاء وتجنب القتال الجبهوي المفتوح.
and. تأثير الخلافات الروسية-التركية-الإسرائيلية (صراع المحاور)
التنافس التركي – الإسرائيلي (المحور الأشد توتراً): تنظر إسرائيل وتركيا إلى بعضهما بريبة عسكرية استراتيجية عالية؛ إذ تخشى أنقرة من أن التمدد الإسرائيلي في جنوب سوريا شجع نزعات انفصالية تعوق استقرار الحكومة السورية المدعومة تركياً. On the other hand, Israel sees the growing Turkish influence in Damascus as an attempt to build a regional front hostile to it.
The Russian balancing role and retreat in the Sahel: After the decline of its land presence and its retreat on the coast (حميميم وطرطوس)، تمارس روسيا دور الوسيط البراغماتي لضبط إيقاع الخلافات وتجنب الصدام المباشر بين الترك والإسرائيليين؛ حيث تسعى موسكو لتدريب الجيش السوري الجديد ليكون القوة القادرة على ملء الفراغات وتقديم التنازلات الأمنية المتبادلة للاعبين الإقليميين بما يضمن بقاء مصالحها الاستراتيجية على البحر المتوسط.
⚖️ 3. آليات الإدارة الداخلية ومأسسة “العدالة الانتقائية” (الملف الحقوقي والمحاسبة)
تواجه الإدارة الانتقالية الحالية قصوراً بنيوياً حاداً في بسط سيادة القانون، وتطبيق معايير الحوكمة والمحاسبة الشاملة، مما أنتج بيئة تفلت من العقاب وتشرعن الممارسات غير القانونية.
A. فجوة المحاسبة وإفلات مرتكبي الجرائم
العدالة الانتقائية وحماية القيادات: يلاحظ وجود تباين صارخ في تطبيق المساءلة القانونية؛ حيث يتم التركيز الإجرائي على ملاحقة الموظفين الصغار وبعض الضباط وأدوات الكسب المحدودة من مخلفات الحقبة الماضية، في حين توفر السلطة الانتقالية غطاءً لتسهيل إفلات قادة عسكريين ومسؤولين كبار من العقاب عبر تفاهمات صامتة وصفقات تسوية واقعية خلف الكواليس.
جرائم الساحل والسويداء: يعاني المشهد القضائي الداخلي من تواطؤ وتجاهل معتمد في معالجة الجرائم الجسيمة المرتكبة في مناطق حيوية كالساحل السوري والسويداء والجنوب. هذه الممارسات التي وثقتها تقارير اللجنة الدولية المستقلة لتقصي الحقائق بصفتها جرائم حرب وجرائم ضد الإنسانية، والتي لا تزال شخصيات محلية مدرجة بسببها تحت قوائم العقوبات الأوروبية، تُترك دون محاسبة قضائية حقيقية، مما يولد شعوراً مريراً بالقهر وغياب القصاص، ويقوض ركائز السلم الأهلي.
for. تحولات البنية الاقتصادية وظهور المافيات العائلية
إعادة تشكيل شبكات المصالح: لم يؤدِ التحول السياسي إلى إنهاء الممارسات الاحتكارية، بل أفرز صعود شبكات ومجموعات تجارية ذات طابع “مافيوي عائلي” جديد استأثرت بإدارة القطع الأجنبي، وعقود الاستيراد الأساسية، ومفاصل الأسواق؛ مما نتج عنه تضخم وغلاء فاحش وسحق كامل للقدرة الشرائية، جعل الواقع المعيشي للسكان يواجه صعوبات غير مسبوقة ونحو الأسوأ.
🧠 4. التعددية التشريعية وخطر الانقسام المجتمعي وفكر التطرف
يقف النسيج الاجتماعي أمام تحديات ترتبط بتصاعد الهويات الفرعية، وتغلغل الفكر الإقصائي، وغياب الرؤية الدستورية الموحدة لتأسيس دولة المواطنة.
A. أزمة الكفاءة التشريعية ومعضلة التمثيل في البرلمان القادم
الفجوة القانونية في التشريع: يستعد البرلمان الجديد للانعقاد لمواجهة تركة ثقيلة تتجاوز المئات من مسودات قوانين وتعديل تشريعي معقد، في حين يفتقر الهيكل المنتخب للخبرات الدستورية (about 20 قانونياً فقط).
قصور الكوتا والمحاصصة: تبرز المعضلة في محدودية حصة التعيين والترميم (70 اسماً) والتي تعجز حسابياً عن استيعاب وتمثيل كافة المكونات المذهبية، والإثنية، والشرائح الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والنسائية، مما يؤدي إلى غلبة المحاصصة الضيقة على حساب معيار الكفاءة التكنوقراطية والتشرذم المجتمعي.
for. ظاهرة الأحكام المنفردة وفكر التطرف (نموذج إمارة عربين)
تعددية المرجعيات القانونية وغياب هيبة الدولة: يلاحظ ظهور محاولات ميدانية لتطبيق تشريعات وأحكام دينية خاصة ومستقلة عن القانون المركزي للدولة؛ وتعتبر الحادثة الميدانية المتمثلة في إعلان قيام ما يسمى “إمارة منطقة عربين” بريف دمشق مؤخراً كجزء من مسلسل لتعمق فكر التطرف في المجتمع السوري ورفض التعايش المشترك مما يهدد وحدة حتى المناطق داخل المحافظة الواحدة وتأكيد القائمين عليها بأنها ستطبق الشريعة الخاصة بها، وفق صراع بين التيارات السلفية والإخوانية والاعتدال الإسلامي في دمشق وهذا يعتبر بمثابة جرس إنذار صاخب على تشرذم الجغرافيا القانونية وصعود الفكر المتطرف والإقصائي كأداة وذريعة دائمة لإبقاء البلاد في حالة عدم استقرار وتجديد مبررات التدخل الخارجي.
C. توصيات لجنة الحريات الدينية الدولية الأميركية (USCIRF) For a year 2026
التصنيف الأميركي الحاد (CPC): وضع هذا التعدد التشريعي وتمدد المجموعات الإقصائية البلاد تحت طائلة التقييم الدولي الأكثر خطورة. حيث أوصت لجنة الحريات الدينية الدولية الأميركية (\bm{USCIRF}) رسمياً الإدارة الأميركية في تقريرها لعام 2026 بإعادة إدراج وتصنيف سوريا كـ “دولة ذات قلق خاص” (\bm{Country\ of\ Particular\ Concern\ -\ CPC})، نظراً لضلوع السلطات أو تسامحها مع انتهاكات جسيمة للحرية الدينية بموجب قانون الحرية الدينية الدولي (\bm{IRFA}).
العقوبات المستهدفة والاشتراطات القاسية: طالبت اللجنة بفرض عقوبات مستهدفة وتجميد أصول بحق أي فاعل سوري—سواء كان جهة غير حكومية (فصائل وميليشيات) أو تابعاً للسلطات الانتقالية الحالية—يثبت تورطه في هذه الانتهاكات. وربطت أي تقدم في العلاقات بوجود أدلة حقيقية على كبح العنف، وتعزيز حرية المعتقد عبر نصوص المواطنة المتساوية في الدستور الجديد، وحماية الأقليات في المجالس التشريعية.
سيف العقوبات المشروطة بالتطهير العسكري: ألزمت اللجنة الكونغرس بتنفيذ القوانين الأخيرة التي تمنع وتشرط رفع العقوبات الأميركية عن السلطات الانتقالية بتحقيق نقاط حاسمة، أبرزها: التحقيق مع الجناة وتقديمهم للعدالة، وتطهير وإقصاء جميع المقاتلين المتورطين في انتهاكات على أساس ديني أو طائفي من الرتب العسكرية للجيش السوري الجديد.
🛡️ المقاربة الأميركية والخليجية تجاه نفوذ “Muslim Brotherhood” في سورية ومحدودية الصلاحيات السيادية
المعضلة الأميركية: التوفيق بين مكافحة الأدلجة والواقعية الميدانية
تتحرك الاستراتيجية الأميركية لمكافحة الإرهاب في منطقة الشرق الأوسط وفق مسارين متوازيين يُحدثان حالة من الجمود التشريعي تجاه الحالة السورية:
الفيتو المؤسساتي ضد الأدلجة: بالرغم من أن واشنطن تتجنب حتى الآن تصنيف “التنظيم الدولي للإخوان المسلمين” بشكل مباشر ككتلة واحدة لتفادي التعقيدات الدبلوماسية، إلا أنها وسّعت استراتيجيتها لعام 2026 عبر ملاحقة الفروع الإقليمية وتصنيفها تدريجياً كـ “منظمات إرهابية عالمية محددة بشكل خاص” (\bm{SDGT}) من الشرق الأوسط إلى شمال أفريقيا. وتنظر مراكز صنع القرار في البنتاغون والكونغرس بريبة شديدة للجماعة، وتعتبرها بمثابة “الآب الروحي” لكافة أنواع التطرف، بناءً على التقرير الصادر عن مكتب مكافحة الإرهاب بالبيت الأبيض لعام 2026. وتتقاطع هذه الرؤية مع تقرير لجنة الحريات الدينية الأميركية (\bm{USCIRF}) للعام ذاته، والذي يفرض شروطاً صارمة بضرورة “تطهير الرتب العسكرية من المؤدلجين طائفياً ودينياً”، لمنع أنقرة من شرعنة الفصائل المسلحة القريبة من الإخوان ودمجها في هيكل الجيش الجديد دون غربلة أميركية.
البراغماتية والوساطة التركية: في المقابل, تدرك واشنطن أن الإخوان جزء أساسي من الهيكل السياسي المدعوم من حليفتها في الناتو (أنقرة)، والتي باتت شريكاً ميدانياً رسمياً لدمشق (عبر مناورات \bm{Ephesus 2026}). لذا، تلجأ المقاربة الأميركية إلى “سياسة الاحتواء المشروط والسقف المنخفض”؛ أي غض الطرف عن وجودهم السياسي المحدود، مع وضع خطوط حمراء صارمة تمنعهم من السيطرة على الحقائب السيادية (الدفاع، الداخلية، القضاء، والمالية) أو صياغة البنود الدستورية المتعلقة بهوية الدولة والمواطنة.
تباين الأجندات الخليجية: الانقسام المالي والسياسي حول “Brotherhood”
يمثل الموقف من جماعة الإخوان المسلمين حجر العثرة التشريعي والمالي الأساسي الذي يمنع تدفق الرساميل الخليجية لإعادة الإعمار، وينقسم المشهد الإقليمي إلى مقاربتين متناقضتين:
المحور الاستئصالي (السعودية والإمارات): تتبنى الرياض وأبوظبي موقفاً راديكالياً حاسماً يعتبر الجماعة تنظيماً إرهابياً محظوراً. وترهن الدولتان أي تقارب مالي، أو تفعيل لمذكرات التفاهم الاستثمارية، أو تقديم حزم دعم اقتصادي للسلطة الانتقالية بـ “إقصاء كامل وممنهج لتيار الإخوان من المشهدين التشريعي والعسكري”. هذا المحور يرى في محاولات الجماعة بناء شبكات نفوذ مالي وأيديولوجي تهديداً مباشرًا للأمن القومي العربي وإعادة إحياء لمشروع مأزوم، ويمتلك هذا المحور عملياً مفتاح “الشرعية العربية والتكامل الاقتصادي”.
المحور البراغماتي / الاحتوائي (الدوحة بالتنسيق مع أنقرة): في المقابل، ترى قطر أن إقصاء قوى الإسلام السياسي كلياً قد يؤدي إلى تفجير المشهد مجدداً وصعود تيارات أكثر راديكالية وعنفاً. وتدفع هذه المقاربة نحو دمج عناصر الجماعة في “إطار مدني تكنوقراطي” منقح، واستخدام الدعم المالي واللوجستي كأداة لضبط سلوكهم السياسي وجعلهم تحت الرقابة، مع التركيز على الاستثمارات المشتركة مع الجانب التركي لشغل الفراغ الاقتصادي مستفيدين من نفوذهم الميداني الشمالي وقدراتهم اللوجستية.
النتيجة الميدانية: شلل استراتيجي وضغوط على السلطة الانتقالية
هذا التباين الحاد بين الرؤية الأميركية المشروطة، والرفض السعودي-الإماراتي الصارم، والدعم التركي-القطري، يضع جماعة الإخوان في سورية داخل “كماشة دولية” معقدة:
من لاعب سياسي إلى كارت تفاوضي: تحولت الجماعة في سورية من “لاعب سياسي طامح للحكم” إلى مجرد “ورقة تفاوضية” أو رهينة للتوازنات الإقليمية؛ حيث تستخدمها أنقرة كأداة للمساومة والمناورة السياسية، بينما توظفها الرياض كشرط جزائي ملزم لضخ الأموال وعرقلة الدعم المالي. بناءً على ذلك، سيبقى نفوذهم الحالي قلقاً، محاصراً، وغير معترف به كمرجعية شرعية؛ فالأميركيون سيستخدمون ملف “الحريات الدينية” وتطهير الجيش كعصا تشريعية مستمرة لمنع تمددهم.
مأزق السلطة الانتقالية: تعيش السلطة الانتقالية شللاً استراتيجياً حقيقياً؛ فهي عاجزة عن إقصاء الإخوان بالكامل خوفاً من الصدام مع تركيا وفقدان الدعم اللوجستي القطري، وفي ذات الوقت عاجزة عن تمكينهم خوفاً من الفيتو الأميركي وقطع شريان الحياة المالي والسياسي القادم من الرياض وأبوظبي.
🎯 الخاتمة والخلاصة الاستراتيجية الشاملة والموسعة
تأسساً على ما تقدم من تفكيك بنيوي وجرد جيو-عسكري وتشريعي للمشهد السوري لعام 2026، يمكن صياغة التكييف القانوني والسياسي الختامي في سياق مصفوفة متكاملة من النتائج الحتمية:
Firstly: شلل قنوات التمويل وعجز البنية التحتية للاقتصاد: إن رفع القيود الاقتصادية والقطاعية من قِبل مجلس الاتحاد الأوروبي يظل خطوة قاصرة ومعزولة عن الواقع العملي؛ إذ يصطدم بـ “جدار الامتثال وحسابات المخاطر” لدى المصارف المراسلة العالمية التي تخشى التداخل التشريعي مع القوانين الأميركية العميقة المستمرة (قانون محاسبة سوريا لعام 2004، وتصنيف الدولة الراعية للإرهاب). كما أن رهن إلغاء “Caesar Act” في موازنة الدفاع الأميركية بثمانية شروط والتزامات صارمة تخضع لرقابة دورية من الكونغرس، يُبقي مناخ الاستثمار طارداً للرساميل، ويؤكد أن البيئة الاقتصادية المحلية لا تزال تفتقر للحوكمة والشفافية لإغراء رأس المال السوري المغترب أو العربي، وتتطلب إعادة تأهيل بنيوي ينسجم مع المعايير الدولية.
secondly: شرعنة تقاسم النفوذ وقضم السيادة الجغرافية: تثبت الوقائع الميدانية أن التغيرات السياسية الأخيرة لم تفضِ إلى استعادة السيادة الوطنية، بل أسفرت عن مأسسة خارطة نفوذ دولية وإقليمية مستدامة على حساب وحدة البلاد وجغرافيتها وثرواتها؛ وتتجلى في التوغل العسكري والهندسي الإسرائيلي عبر خط “Sofa 53” والتحصينات العازلة جنوباً، مروراً بالتموضع العسكري واللوجستي الروسي المستقر في قواعد الساحل لحماية مصالحه في شرق المتوسط وتثبيت توازناته البراغماتية، وصولاً إلى الشراكة العسكرية التركية الرسمية شمالاً ومشاركتها في مناورات (\bm{Ephesus 2026}). وفي المقابل، ملء المجالس العسكرية للعشائر العربية الفراغ البري شرق الفرات (دير الزور، الحسكة، الرقة) لتمثل بيضة القبان عقب إكمال القوات الأميركية انسحابها وإخلائها لقواعدها الـ 31 في أبريل 2026، وتحول مقاربتها إلى العمليات الأمنية والاستخباراتية عن بُعد وضد خلايا داعش، في حين يتراجع النفوذ الإيراني العسكري المنهك إلى خلايا سرية في البادية.
Third: مأسسة “العدالة الانتقائية” وتأمين إفلات الجناة: على الصعيد الحقوقي والجنائي الداخلي، تتبنى السلطة الانتقالية نهجاً عشوائياً عاجزاً عن التأسيس لدولة المواطنة والقانون؛ حيث يتم توظيف “المحاسبة العرجاء” عبر تقديم صغار الكسبة كأكباش فداء للمنظومة البائدة، في مقابل تسهيل إفلات كبار المسؤولين والقادة العسكريين بموجب صفقات وتفاهمات خلف الكواليس. This deliberate judicial blindness to the grave crimes committed in the coast, Suwayda, and the south—which the reports of the Independent International Fact-Finding Commission classify as war crimes and crimes against humanity subject to European sanctions imposed on their leaders—threatens the foundations of civil peace and paves the way for the rise of alternative family monopoly mafias that control the labor and trade markets and push the living conditions of the population for the worse..
Fourth: Parliament's legislative deficit and the rise of exclusionary thought: The social fabric faces a severe structural threat due to the expansion of sub-regional identities and societal fragmentation. This appears in the legislative deficit of “People's Assembly” What comes next is a legacy that includes hundreds of draft laws and legislative amendments in light of his severe lack of constitutional competencies and inability “Presidential appointment quota” (70 اسماً) About achieving true and balanced representation of the economic, social and sectarian components and segments, which enshrines the lame logic of quotas. This central legal vacuum provided a fertile environment for the emergence of unilateral administrative attempts to implement special Sharia provisions independent of the state (As a model for the Emirate of Arbin in the Damascus countryside)This is being re-woven and used externally as an excuse to keep the country in a state of permanent exhaustion and to suppress free sovereign voices..
Fifth: Paralysis of regional will and invalidation of sovereign instruments: There is division and conflicting agendas within the Gulf system (Saudi Arabia, UAE, Qatar) Setting decisive conditions related to rejecting political Islam trends in general and the Muslim Brotherhood in particular, ending the file of foreign fighters, and curbing Turkish influence, placed the transitional authority in a political dilemma. It rushes to sign memorandums of understanding and investment contracts that are intersecting and conflicting with all parties at the same time. From an international legal perspective, these concessions and strategic contracts that affect sovereign wealth fall under the rule “He who lacks something does not give it”; Due to this transitional administration’s lack of permanent constitutional legitimacy and legal jurisdiction, which makes all of these agreements invalid, fragile, and subject to cancellation in the future..
Sixth: The sword of American sanctions conditional on purging the military establishment: The report and classification represent the latest issued by the US Commission on International Religious Freedom (\bm{USCIRF}) For the year 2026, which recommended listing Syria as “دولة ذات قلق خاص” (\bm{CPC}), the primary link to the obstruction and deadlock mechanism in Washington; Congress and the White House condition any lifting of sanctions or political and economic openness on the transitional authorities taking constitutional steps for equal citizenship and investigating the perpetrators of violations. (From governmental and non-governmental bodies)And most importantly, legislatively: Purging and excluding from the military ranks of the new Syrian army all fighters involved in violations on religious or sectarian grounds; This is what the current arbitrary administration is unable to achieve, so that the Syrian people alone remain the victim and bearer the greatest burden of the deteriorating living and service burdens..
Seventh:The American approach is looking for... “Stability without ideology”The Turkish-Qatari approach is looking for... “Inclusion without exclusion”While the Saudi-Emirati approach seeks... “Uprooting without compromise”. This triple contradiction turns Syrian geography into an arena for experimenting with a hybrid and unprecedented political formula: Is it possible to produce a political system that balances meeting the security requirements of the Gulf and reassuring Washington’s ideological concerns, without at the same time leading to the breakup of the NATO ally? (Türkiye)؟
We believe that this balance requires a democratic civil state supported by national forces that can present an integrated internal, regional, and international project in exchange for the failure of the current interim authority model, if the international and regional community is serious in its slogans of preserving Syria’s geographical, human, and economic unity and a partner in regional peace..
Mr. Qutaiba Qasim Al-Arab
President of the National Council for Human Rights
🏛️ Strategic Report on Syria 2026: The Violated Geography, the Clashes of International and Regional Wills Militarily and Economically, Accidental Management, Accountability, Extremism, Legislative Pluralism, American Sanctions, and Religious Freedoms
- Procedural Variance Between the European and American Approaches
The European Path: The Council of the European Union has taken legislative steps to lift sectoral and economic restrictions on financial and sovereign institutions, while activating the joint cooperation agreement, aiming to provide official channels for dealing with the persistence of sanctions on the defunct regime, as well as working to deploy smart sanctions. Security Sanctions: The Union maintains its ban on the export of weapons, equipment that can be used for internal repression, or monitoring and interception software.
The Binding American Path: Conversely, this openness remains limited in impact due to intersecting American laws. Even though the executive enforcement of the “Caesar Act” has ceased, the mechanism for terminating its effects was embedded as a legally binding rider within the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), containing eight specific clauses and conditions that are subject to strict, periodic oversight by Congress.
Deep, Continuous Statutes: The largest legislative pitfall facing the banking system is the continued validity of the “Syria Accountability Act” of 2004, and the persistence of Syria’s designation on the “State Sponsors of Terrorism” list since 1979. These two statutes require a complex parliamentary process inside Congress to be repealed, and they constitute the fundamental barrier to activating the “SWIFT” system and executing major banking transactions.
Compliance Environment and Risk Calculuses of Correspondent Banks
The Concept of Banking Safety: International banks and major global financial institutions do not move based on political changes, but rather according to “compliance and risk management” standards. Due to overlapping legislations, banks still classify the local environment as a High-Risk Zone, fearing secondary and back-lash sanctions.
Limitations of Current Channels: Current financial movement is confined to minute transactions with limited caps, keeping major investment memorandums of understanding (MoUs) operationally frozen due to the absence of correspondent banks capable of transferring capital and securing an attractive, stable investment environment that entices local and expatriate capital before the foreign investor.
The Need for International Rehabilitation: The lifting of certain sanctions has revealed that the core dilemma no longer resides in external restrictions alone, but rather in a structural deficit within an economy that completely requires real rehabilitation and development to become more aligned with international standards, governance rules, transparency, and anti-money laundering (AML) frameworks, thereby ensuring an investment climate that guarantees the unhindered inflow and outflow of funds.
🌍 2. The Map of Regional Influence and the New Field Reality (Power Distribution for 2026)
The military and geographical map of Syria has witnessed strategic shifts that reshaped the balance of power among international and local actors, distributed precisely as follows:
A. Israeli Military and Engineering Incursion (The Southern Front)
Establishing Fixed Military Bases: The Israeli army has established around 9 to 10 fixed military bases and outposts extending from the strategic summit of Mount Hermon in the north down to the Yarmouk Basin in the countryside of Daraa in the south. Some of these bases lie inside the buffer zone, while others extend deep into Syrian territory.
Project “Sofa 53”: Israel continues to construct and entrench a new defensive and engineering line inside Syrian territories known as the “Sofa 53” line. This project includes carving out military roads 8 meters wide, building fortifications and earthen berms, and erecting new barbed wire fences that swallow thousands of agricultural dunams in the southern countryside.
Deterrence and Freedom of Movement: Israel insists on maintaining its fire control and its defensive wall (the Sofa 53 line) in the south to prevent any Iranian return, block the threat of new Syrian extremist groups, avert any potential “October 7-style” scenarios, secure its borders, and reshuffle the political balances for Damascus and Ankara.
B. The Turkish Approach and the Shift Toward Official Partnership (The Syrian North)
Fixed Military Points and Bases: The Turkish army is deployed across dozens of bases and military outposts stretching through the governorates of Idlib, Aleppo (such as Afrin and Al-Bab), and parts of Raqqa and Hasakah (such as Tell Abyad and Ras al-Ayn).
Nature of Deployment and Tasks: Thousands of Turkish soldiers are stationed, backed by heavy machinery, tanks, air defense systems, and drones. Their tasks focus on monitoring frontlines, securing borders, and preventing any activity by armed Kurdish groups.
The Shift to Official Partnership and Direct Cooperation: Despite the transition of civil administration in most northern regions to the Syrian Interim Government and the integration of opposition factions (formerly the National Army) into the new defense structure, Turkish forces have retained their independent presence. This presence has evolved into an official partnership with Damascus; Ankara now provides logistical support and training to the new Syrian army, which was recently embodied in the participation of Syrian military units in the (Ephesus 2026) maneuvers inside Turkey for the first time.
C. Absence of US Military Presence and the Evacuation of Bases
Ending Fixed Deployment and Total Withdrawal: There is no longer any permanent US ground military presence or American military bases in Syria. The United States Central Command (\bm{CENTCOM}) officially announced in mid-April 2026 the completion of handing over all major bases and military facilities to the Syrian government. The last American military convoys departed the “Castle” base in the countryside of Hasakah toward Iraq, marking the end of more than a decade of direct field presence and the evacuation of all 31 bases (such as Al-Tanf, Al-Shaddadi, and the oil and gas fields).
Reliance on Remote Operations and Field Sovereignty: The US military transitioned to a phase that relies on supporting counter-ISIS efforts via intelligence and logistical coordination, alongside focused remote strikes when necessary. Meanwhile, the Syrian forces, integrating with new arrangements with local forces, assumed full responsibility for protecting the borders and oil facilities.
D. Arab Tribes (De Facto Authority in the East)
Filling the Field Vacuum: Following the American withdrawal, the military councils of the Arab tribes became the striking ground force and the entity responsible in the field across the regions of Deir ez-Zor, Hasakah, and Raqqa.
The Key to Stability and Balance: The tribes today represent the kingmaker and the tipping point in the military and political balance between the central government in Damascus and the Turkish and Kurdish aspirations east of the Euphrates.
E. Iran and Its Militias (The Exhausted Yet Persistent Influence)
Military Retreat: Iran’s military networks received successive, crushing blows that restricted their overt movement and eliminated their traditional land supply routes and corridors.
Sleeper Cells and Adaptation: The Iranian presence has mutated into localized sleeper cells and dormant financial and ideological networks embedded in the Badia (desert) regions and certain countrysides, attempting to adapt in order to survive and avoid direct, open frontal combat.
F. The Impact of Russian-Turkish-Israeli Dissensions (The Clash of Axes)
The Turkish-Israeli Competition (The Most Tense Axis): Israel and Turkey view one another with high strategic military suspicion. Ankara fears that the Israeli expansion in southern Syria has encouraged separatist tendencies that hinder the stability of the Turkish-backed Syrian government. Conversely, Israel views the rising Turkish influence in Damascus as an attempt to construct a hostile regional front against it.
The Balancing Russian Role and Retreat to the Coast: Following the decline of its ground presence and its retreat to the coast (Hmeimim and in Tartu), Russia exercises the role of a pragmatic mediator to pace the disputes and avert direct clashes between the Turks and the Israelis. Moscow seeks to train the new Syrian army to be the force capable of filling vacuums and offering mutual security concessions to regional players, thereby guaranteeing the preservation of its strategic interests on the Mediterranean.
⚖️ 3. Internal Administration Mechanisms and the Institutionalization of “Selective Justice” (The Human Rights File and Accountability)
The current transitional administration faces a sharp, structural shortfall in enforcing the rule of law and applying comprehensive standards of governance and accountability, which has produced an environment of impunity and institutionalized illegal practices.
A. The Accountability Gap and the Impunity of Perpetrators
Selective Justice and the Shielding of Leadership: A stark disparity is observed in the application of legal accountability; procedural focus is placed on prosecuting low-level employees, certain officers, and minor profiteering remnants of the past era. In contrast, the transitional authority provides a cover to facilitate the impunity of senior military commanders and top officials through silent understandings and pragmatic settlement deals behind the scenes.
Crimes of the Coast and Suwayda: The internal judicial landscape suffers from deliberate collusion and neglect in addressing the gross crimes committed in vital regions such as the Syrian Coast, Suwayda, and the South. These practices, documented by reports of the International Independent International Commission of Inquiry as war crimes and crimes against humanity—for which local figures remain listed under European sanctions—are left without real judicial prosecution, generating a bitter feeling of oppression and absence of retribution, while undermining the pillars of civil peace.
B. Shifts in the Economic Structure and the Emergence of Family Mafias
Reshaping Network of Interests: The political transition did not bring an end to monopolistic practices, but instead birthed the rise of new commercial networks and groups of a “family-mafia” nature that monopolized the management of foreign currency, essential import contracts, and market nodes. This has resulted in hyperinflation, skyrocketing prices, and a complete crushing of purchasing power, making the daily livelihood of the population face unprecedented hardships, trending toward the worst.
🧠 4. Legislative Pluralism, the Threat of Social Fragmentation, and Extremist Ideology
The social fabric stands before grave challenges tied to the escalation of sub-identities, the infiltration of exclusionary ideologies, and the absence of a unified constitutional vision to establish a state of equal citizenship.
A. The Crisis of Legislative Competence and the Dilemma of Representation in the Upcoming Parliament
The Legal Gap in Legislation: The new parliament prepares to convene to face a heavy legacy exceeding hundreds of draft laws and complex legislative amendments, while the elected body lacks constitutional expertise (possessing only about 20 legal experts).
The Shortfall of Quotas and Factional Apportionment: The dilemma surfaces in the limitation of the presidential appointment and restoration quota (70 names), which mathematically fails to accommodate and represent all sectarian, ethnic components, economic, social, and women’s segments, leading to the dominance of narrow factional apportionment at the expense of technocratic competence, inducing societal disintegration.
B. The Phenomenon of Unilateral Rulings and Extremist Thought (The Model of the Arabeen Emirate)
Plurality of Legal References and Loss of State Prestige: Unilateral field attempts to enforce religious codes and rulings independent of the central law of the state are being observed. The field incident manifested in the recent declaration of the establishment of what is called the “Emirate of the Arabeen Region” in the countryside of Damascus stands as a part of a series showcasing the deepening of extremist thought within Syrian society and the rejection of co-existence. This threatens the unity of even the local areas within a single governorate, as its operators confirm it will enforce its own version of Sharia, amidst a clash between Salafist currents, the Muslim Brotherhood, and Islamic moderation in Damascus. This serves as a loud alarm bell signaling the fragmentation of the legal geography and the rise of extremist, exclusionary thought as a permanent tool and pretext to keep the country in a state of instability, renewing the justifications for foreign intervention.
C. Recommendations of the US Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) for 2026
The Sharp American Designation (CPC): This legislative multiplicity and the expansion of exclusionary groups have placed the country under the most perilous tier of international assessment. The US Commission on International Religious Freedom (\bm{USCIRF}) officially recommended to the US administration in its 2026 report to re-list and designate Syria as a “Country of Particular Concern” (\bm{CPC}), given the engagement of authorities in or toleration of severe violations of religious freedom under the International Religious Freedom Act (\bm{IRFA}).
Targeted Sanctions and Harsh Conditions: The Commission demanded the imposition of targeted sanctions and asset freezes against any Syrian actor—whether a non-state actor (factions and militias) or affiliated with the current transitional authorities—proven to be complicit in these violations. It linked any progress in relations to real evidence of curbing violence, promoting freedom of belief via equal citizenship clauses in the new constitution, and protecting minorities in legislative councils.
The Sword of Conditional Sanctions Tied to Military Purgation: The Commission bound Congress to execute recent laws that block and condition the lifting of American sanctions on the transitional authorities upon the realization of critical milestones, most notably: investigating perpetrators and bringing them to justice, and purging and expelling all combatants involved in violations on a religious or sectarian basis from the military ranks of the new Syrian army.
🛡️ The American and Gulf Approaches Toward the Influence of the “Muslim Brotherhood” in Syria and the Limitation of Sovereign Prerogatives - The American Dilemma: Reconciling Counter-Ideology with Field Realities
The American counter-terrorism strategy in the Middle East moves along two parallel tracks that induce a state of legislative stagnation toward the Syrian case:
The Institutional Veto Against Ideology: Although Washington avoids designating the “International Organization of the Muslim Brotherhood” directly as a single entity to evade diplomatic complications, it expanded its strategy for 2026 by targeting regional branches, progressively designating them as “Specially Designated Global Terrorists” (\bm{SDGT}) from the Middle East to North Africa. Decision-making centers in the Pentagon and Congress look upon the group with deep suspicion, viewing it as the “spiritual godfather” of all forms of extremism, according to the report issued by the White House Counter-Terrorism Office for 2026. This vision intersects with the bm{USCIRF} report for the same year, which imposes strict conditions requiring the “purging of military ranks from textually and religiously indoctrinated elements,” preventing Ankara from legitimizing armed factions close to the Brotherhood and integrating them into the new army structure without American vetting.
Pragmatism and Turkish Mediation: Conversely, Washington recognizes that the Brotherhood is an essential part of the political structure backed by its NATO ally (Ankara), which has become an official field partner to Damascus (via the bm{Ephesus 2026} maneuvers). Therefore, the American approach resorts to a “policy of conditional containment and a low ceiling”; i.e., turning a blind eye to their limited political presence, while setting strict red lines that bar them from controlling sovereign portfolios (Defense, Interior, Judiciary, and Finance) or drafting constitutional clauses regarding state identity and citizenship. - Divergence of Gulf Agendas: The Financial and Political Split Over the “Brotherhood”
The stance on the Muslim Brotherhood group represents the primary legislative and financial stumbling block preventing the flow of Gulf capital for reconstruction, dividing the regional scene into two antithetical approaches:
The Eradication Axis (Saudi Arabia and the UAE): Riyadh and Abu Dhabi adopt a radical, decisive stance that classifies the group as a banned terrorist organization. The two nations condition any financial rapprochement, activation of investment MoUs, or provision of economic support packages to the transitional authority upon a “complete and systematic exclusion of the Brotherhood current from both the legislative and military scenes.” This axis views the group’s attempts to construct networks of financial and ideological influence as a direct threat to Arab national security and the revival of a compromised project. This axis practically holds the key to “Arab legitimacy and economic integration.”
The Pragmatic / Containment Axis (Doha in Coordination with Ankara): Conversely, Qatar believes that completely excluding political Islam forces could detonate the landscape anew and foster the rise of more radical and violent currents. This approach pushes toward integrating the group’s elements into a refined “civil-technocratic framework,” utilizing financial and logistical support as a tool to control their political behavior and place them under surveillance, while focusing on joint investments with the Turkish side to occupy the economic vacuum, leveraging their northern field influence and logistical capacities. - The Field Result: Strategic Paralysis and Pressures on the Transitional Authority
This sharp divergence between the conditional American vision, the strict Saudi-Emirati rejection, and the Turkish-Qatari support places the Muslim Brotherhood in Syria inside a complex “international vise”:
From a Political Player to a Bargaining Chip: The group in Syria has transformed from a “political player aspiring to govern” into mere “bargaining chip” or a hostage to regional balances; Ankara utilizes them as a tool for political maneuvering and bargaining, while Riyadh deploys them as a binding penalty condition to halt capital injections and obstruct financial support. Consequently, their current influence will remain anxious, besieged, and unrecognized as a legitimate reference; the Americans will continuously use the “religious freedoms” file and the army purgation as a legislative stick to prevent their expansion.
The Dilemma of the Transitional Authority: The transitional authority lives under a genuine strategic paralysis; it is incapable of completely excluding the Brotherhood for fear of clashing with Turkey and losing Qatari logistical support, and at the same time, it is incapable of empowering them for fear of the American veto and the cutting of the political and financial lifeblood coming from Riyadh and Abu Dhabi.
🎯 Conclusion and Comprehensive, Expanded Strategic Summary
Based on the aforementioned structural deconstruction and geo-military and legislative auditing of the Syrian landscape for the year 2026, the final legal and political characterization can be formulated within the context of an integrated matrix of inevitable outcomes:
First: Paralysis of Funding Channels and the Structural Deficit of the Economy: The lifting of economic and sectoral restrictions by the Council of the European Union remains a deficient step isolated from practical reality; it collides with the “wall of compliance and risk calculuses” among international correspondent banks that fear legislative overlap with deep, continuous US statutes (the Syria Accountability Act of 2004, and the State Sponsor of Terrorism designation). Furthermore, conditioning the repeal of the “Caesar Act” within the US defense budget upon eight strict conditions and commitments subject to periodic Congressional oversight keeps the investment climate repellent to capital. It confirms that the local economic environment still lacks the governance and transparency to entice Syrian expatriate or Arab capital, demanding structural rehabilitation aligned with international standards.
Second: Institutionalizing the Partition of Influence and ERODING Geographical Sovereignty: Field realities prove that recent political changes did not lead to the restoration of national sovereignty, but rather resulted in institutionalizing a sustainable map of international and regional influence at the expense of the country’s unity, geography, and resources. This manifests in the military and engineering incursion of Israel via the “Sofa 53” line and southern buffer fortifications, moving through the stable Russian military and logistical posture in coastal bases to protect its interests in the Eastern Mediterranean and cement its pragmatic balances, up to the official Turkish military partnership and its participation in the (\bm{Ephesus 2026}) maneuvers. In contrast, the military councils of the Arab tribes filled the ground vacuum east of the Euphrates (Deir zor, Hasakah, Raqqa) to represent the tipping point following the completion of the US forces’ withdrawal and evacuation of their 31 bases in April 2026, shifting their approach to remote security and intelligence operations against ISIS cells, while the exhausted Iranian military presence retreats into sleeper cells in the Badia.
Third: Institutionalizing “Selective Justice” and Securing Impunity for Perpetrators: On the domestic judicial and criminal level, the transitional authority adopts an accidental, erratic approach incapable of founding a state of citizenship and law. “Lame accountability” is deployed by offering low-level profiteers as scapegoats for the defunct regime, in exchange for facilitating the escape of senior officials and military commanders under behind-the-scenes deals and understandings. This deliberate judicial blindness toward gross crimes committed in the Coast, Suwayda, and the South—classified by the International Independent Commission of Inquiry as war crimes and crimes against humanity, with their leaders under European sanctions—threatens the pillars of civil peace and clears the path for the rise of alternative family-mafia monopolies controlling foreign exchange and trade, driving the population’s living standards toward the worst.
Fourth: The Legislative Incapacity of Parliament and the Rise of Exclusionary Emirates: The social fabric faces a sharp structural threat due to the expansion of sub-identities, regionalism, and societal fragmentation. This appears in the legislative incapacity of the upcoming “People’s Assembly” before a legacy containing hundreds of draft laws and legislative amendments, amidst its severe lack of constitutional competencies and the failure of the “presidential appointment quota” (70 names) to achieve a real, balanced representation of components, economic, social, and sectarian segments, cementing the logic of crippled apportionment. This central legal vacuum provided a fertile environment for unilateral administrative attempts to enforce independent, private Sharia rulings (such as the model of the Arabeen Region Emirate in the Damascus countryside), which is being re-woven and utilized externally as a pretext to keep the country in a state of perpetual attrition and suppress free sovereign voices.
Fifth: Paralysis of Regional Will and the Invalidity of Sovereign Deeds: The division and clashing of agendas within the Gulf system (Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar) and the placement of decisive conditions regarding the rejection of political Islam currents in general and the Muslim Brotherhood in particular, ending the file of foreign fighters, and curbing Turkish influence, has placed the transitional authority in a political trap. It finds itself rushing to sign intersecting and conflicting investment contracts and MoUs with all parties simultaneously. From an international legal perspective, these concessions and strategic contracts that touch upon sovereign wealth fall under the rule of “one cannot give what he does not possess” (\bm{No one gives what he does not have}); given this transitional administration’s lack of permanent constitutional legitimacy and legal mandate, making all such agreements void, fragile, and rescindable in the future.
Sixth: The Sword of US Sanctions Conditioned upon Military Purgation: The latest report and designation issued by the US Commission on International Religious Freedom (\bm{USCIRF}) for 2026, which recommended designating Syria as a “Country of Particular Concern” (\bm{CPC}), represents the core link for the mechanism of obstruction and gridlock in Washington. The Congress and the White House condition any lifting of sanctions or political and economic openness upon the transitional authorities taking constitutional steps toward equal citizenship, investigating perpetrators of violations (from state and non-state actors), and most critically on a legislative level: purging and expelling all combatants involved in violations on a religious or sectarian basis from the military ranks of the new Syrian army. This is something the current accidental administration is incapable of achieving, leaving the Syrian people alone as the victims bearing the ultimate brunt of deteriorating living and service standards
The American approach looks for “stability without ideology,” the Turkish-Qatari approach seeks “containment without exclusion,” while the Saudi-Emirati approach demands “eradication without compromise.” This triple contradiction transforms the Syrian geography into an arena for testing a hybrid and unprecedented political formula: Is it possible to produce a political system that balances fulfilling the security requirements of the Gulf, placating the ideological anxieties of Washington, without simultaneously breaking a NATO ally (Turkey)?
In our view, this balance requires a civil, democratic state supported by national forces capable of presenting an integrated domestic, regional, and international project, in contrast to the failure of the current temporary authority model, if the international and regional community is truly genuine in its slogans of preserving Syria’s geographical, human, and economic unity, and acting as a partner in regional peace
Professor Qutaiba Qasim Al-Arab
President of the National Council for Human Rights - Keywords: Syria 2026, geopolitical map, US sanctions, Syria Accountability Act, state sponsor of terrorism, US withdrawal, Suva Line 53, Avis 2026 maneuvers, banking compliance, selective justice, transitional administration, legislative pluralism, US Religious Freedom Commission, Irbin Emirate, Gulf agendas.
- Keywords: Syria 2026, Geopolitical Map, US Sanctions, Syria Accountability Act, State Sponsor of Terrorism, US Withdrawal, Knead 53 Line, Ephesus 2026 Maneuvers, Banking Compliance, Selective Justice, Transitional Governance, Legislative Pluralism, USCIRF 2026, Heiress Emirates, Gulf Agendas.
The National Council for Human Rights – Syria is an independent, non-governmental